Kinfe Abraham (1950-2007) was one of Ethiopia's leading academics, although his books are not well known outside of the country. In this post I pull some though provoking quotes and ideas from his 1994 publication "Ethiopia from Bullets to the Ballot Box: The Bumpy Road to Democracy and the Political Economy of Transition". The book remains timely because history provides us a wealth of lessons. At the time of writing, Kinfe was optimistic following the early years of a new government (1991-1994), when many new ideas and policies were being discussed. He writes, the changes "revived the hope and optimism of thee late 1960s and early 1970s which seems to promise that the "ballot box" and not the "bullet" might be the final arbiter which determines the new direction of political and economic life in Ethiopia" (p. xvi). At times, one forgets this book was written in the early 1990s.

"For the majority of Ethiopians, especially the small and large nations which had historically been denied legitimate recognition as nations, regional division and ethnic representation is one way of epitomizing their new achievement. Indeed, it is seen as a psychological and political break through by many. This new card enables them to negotiate for a better deal for their people and regions. However, in practical terms, ethnic and geographical division also have their associated drawbacks. There is a good deal of ethnic and geographical overlapping among the nationalities which might give vent to latent hostilities… Despite these problems, the present formula of ethnic federalism represents the first serious attempt by a government in power to address the complex problem of nationalities squarely and realistically" (p. 28-29). He later re-emphasizes this point: "Essentially, the debate underway in Ethiopia is about power and how it should be shared among the various regions whose nationalities currently make up the country. But there is also the complex task of creating an administrative structure geographically symmetrical to the ethic and linguistic configuration of the country. This task is by no means easy because geographical and ethic and linguistic divisions do not always coincide" (p. 49).

On resettlement:

"Resettlement was and will in the future remain an important issue to take into account. In fact with a bit of incentive it might even prove an attractive proposition for many. However, what the new government should be warned against is that such programs should not be undertaken without proper planning or through coercion. Instead, it should be planned, publicized and offered strictly to those who want it" (p. 99).

A worrisome historical trend:

"Although the Derg had pledged to hand over power to the people after a period of time, it failed to respect that pledge and moved on to create the structure which would consolidate its position of power… The state, in a bid to consolidate its power, resorted to intimidation, arrests and the physical elimination of people suspected of opposition" (p. 105).

Particularly since 2008, there has been a rise in displaced people due to land grabbing, or large-scale land investments. These developments has led some researchers to ask what the consequences, beyond the obvious loss of land, abuse of rights and disruption of livelihoods. For this, history has much to teach us. One such study is Elizabeth Colson's "The Social Consequences of Resettlement" (1971), presenting research conducted from 1956 to 1968 with the Gwembe Tonga and their relocation due to the creation of the Kariba dam. A few selections:

• "Massive technological development hurts. This is a fact largely ignored by economic planners, technicians and political leaders. In planning drastic alterations in environment that uproot populations or make old adjustments impossible, they count the engineering costs but not the social costs." (p. 1)
  

On "freedom versus development":

• "I told them, 'We are people of the bush. Our lordship [bwaami] lies in our poverty, for we know how to be poor and so need not accept your rule. We shall live as we are accustomed to live following our own laws. We do not want to live as they do in town, where people must live according to rules which are strange to them. Here a man builds as he wishes, and within his homestead he follows his own law.We do not want your regulations. We do not want your assistance.'" (p. 173)
  

On family:

• "It was here that relocation had an immediate and severe impact, often enough straining family relationships to breaking point. The Gwembe people had not foreseen this. They viewed the household as a group which would move together and carry out its familiar duties in the new setting without need of much adjustment. They had not foreseen that problems would arise because the resettlement altered the context within which family members were accustomed to interact or that it would disrupt the old reciprocal arrangements which had made the family system seem equitable to its members." (p. 101)
  

On political protest and organization:

• "During the resettlement years, Gwembe villagers were radical in their repudiation of Government as in any way representing their interests. They were conservative in their failure to develop new political leadership for any purpose except protest. In political life, as in their economic life and in their social order generally, they continued to use existing forms of organization." (p. 174)
  

Reflections on resettlement:

• "Much of what happened as a consequence appears to be common phenomena expectable whenever people are subject to forced migration, in a relocation of old communities. The immediate result is a period of upheaval in economic and social routines which can be expected to last for approximately five years, before people are sufficiently re-established in their new areas to see themselves as settled communities. The period is one of hostility towards Government and its officials, who are represented as disregarding local interests to advance some other section. Local leaders associated with resettlement lose legitimacy. Officials rule more openly by force and less by consent… " (p. 1-2)
  

Cochrane, L. and Skjerdal, T. (2015) Reading the Narratives: Resettlement, Investment and Development in Ethiopia. Forum for Development Studies. DOI: 10.1080/08039410.2015.1080183

Abstract:

• This article examines the narratives presented on the subjects of relocation, investment and development in Ethiopia. In particular, we focus upon representations given by the Government of Ethiopia and Human Rights Watch (HRW) of the Gambella Region. The article deconstructs and critically assesses the discourse and the way in which representations and descriptions are made in order to advocate a particular position. We argue for a less polarizing and more comprehensive narrative from all parties. The article concludes with some reflections on the role and influence of advocacy reporting and, therefore, the responsibility in publishing such reports.
  

The full article is gated. Abstract and further publication details available via the link above. If you would like a copy of the article, send me an email.