May
11

On the Genealogy of Morality

In looking for ideas about how to present the history and connectivity of ideas, I returned to Nietzsche's On the Genealogy of Morality, published in 1887. Sharing a few notes with that interest in reading (and only a periphery interest in the arguments of the book).

In the Introduction of the version I read (by Clark and Swensen), Clark offers the following on the historical method of the book: "The purpose served by a thing does not explain its origin; rather, the cause of its coming into being and 'its final usefulness, its actual employment and integration into a system of purposes,' lie worlds apart (GM II:12). Nietzsche's prime example of a violation of this principle is the assumption that the eye was made to see, the hand to grasp. This suggests that his principle of historical method is inspired by Darwin's theory of evolution, according to which the eye's usefulness does not explain why it originally came into existence, but only why, having somehow or other come into existence, it had a greater chance of surviving and being passed on to heirs. To explain how the eye came into existence would be to trace it back through a whole series of previous forms, and transformations of these forms by means of new variations, to something that lies 'worlds apart' from it, say a simple nerve that is particularly sensitive to light. Neitzsche's Genealogy applies the same principle to human history. Questions of origin and purpose are to be separated; the purpose served by a practice or custom does not explain how it came into existence." (p. xxiv)

From Neitzsche (lengthy, as reference for those interested in how this method was described and used):
"we need a critique of moral values, for once the value of these values must itself be called into question—and for this we need a knowledge of the conditions and circumstances out of which they have grown, under which they have developed and shifted" (p. 5)

"How do the previous genealogists of morality carry on in this case? Naively, as they have always carried on-: they discover some "purpose" or other in punishment, for example revenge or deter­rence, then innocently place this purpose at the beginning as causa fiendi [cause of the coming into being] of punishment, and - are done. The "purpose in law," however, is the last thing that is usable for the history of the genesis of law: on the contrary, for history of every kind there is no more important proposition than that one which is gained with such effort but also really ought to be gained,­ namely, that the cause of the genesis of a thing and its final usefulness, its actual employment and integration into a system of purposes, lie toto caelo apart; that something extant, something that has somehow or other come into being, is again and again interpreted according to new views, monopolized in a new way, transformed and rearranged for a new use by a power superior to it; that all happening in the organic world is an over- ' powering, a becoming-lord-over; and that, in turn, all overpowering and becoming-lord-over is a new interpreting, an arranging by means of which the previous "meaning" and "purpose" must of necessity become obscured or entirely extinguished. However well one has grasped the utility of some physiological organ (or of a legal institution, a social custom, a political practice, a for m in the arts or in religious cult), one has still not comprehended anything regarding its genesis: as uncomfortable and unpleasant as this may sound to earlier ears, - for from time imme­morial one had thought that in comprehending the demonstrable purpose, the usefulness of a thing, a form, an arrangement, one also comprehended the reason for its coming into being - the eye as made to see, the hand as made to grasp. Thus one also imagined punishment as invented for punishing. But all purposes, all utilities, are only signs that a will to power has become lord over something less powerful and has stamped its own functional meaning onto it; and in this manner the entire history of a "thing," an organ, a practice can be a continuous signchain of ever new interpretations and arrangements, whose causes need not be connected even among themselves - on the contrary, in some cases only accidentally follow and replace one another." (p. 50-51) 

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May
03

Qatar: A Modern History

Other than a short publication from 1979, there are few academic books on the history of Qatar. After spending a year in Qatar, at Qatar University, Allen Fromherz wrote 'Qatar: A Modern History'. The book was originally published in 2012, (Kamrava's book is 2013) however, the updated version (published in 2017) provides updates throughout the text (as additions, this also makes for some jumpy reading at parts). As a history, this book has the potential to remain relevant longer, however only about half of the book is history while the other half is better described as current affairs (a focus on the decade before publication). The book provides a lot of historical information, however at many points it is unclear where the historical information is coming from (not being referenced). Although at times repetitive, this is a useful text and worth reading for anyone interested in contemporary history. A serious limitation, however, is the reliance upon the colonial record and the absence of Arabic (or any other, such as Turkish) sources. This replicates the colonial gaze of history, which the author recognizes but does little to address.

A few notes:

"Qatar is not a place 'without a past' or 'without a culture' as it has been described in popular literature. Ironically, anxiety about a lack of historical roots appears to be felt more by visitors to Qatar than by Qataris themselves. Perhaps expecting exotica, adventure and orientalized Arabness, the expatriate is disappointed by the modernity, by places that look 'Western' or 'just like home'. Many Qataris, in contrast, rarely express the same level of postmodern angst." (p. 4)

"Qatar is one of the world's most unlikely political entities. Surrounded by powerful and expansionist neighbours and projecting into Gulf waters, waters rocked by centuries of conflict, Qatar has one of the more extraordinary stories of state formation in the Gulf." (p. 41)

"No longer did the most respected man in Doha need to base his power ultimately on the Islamic baya, the oath of allegiance and obligation between ruler and ruled, or the shura and majlis, the council of respected sheikhs in Arabic tribal and Islamic religious tradition, that power was now based on the full weight of the British navy. As Lisa Anderson aptly observed, before imperial interests created European-style monarchy in the Middle East, 'Political authority has been exercised and justified not as an aspect of family or property but on religious grounds.'" (p. 57)

"Both external powers were kept at bay by the resourcefulness of the Qataris under Muhammad bin Thani and his successors, especially Shiekh Jassim Al-Thani. Qatar, led by a successful line of tenacious and usually astute Al-Thani Emirs successfully resisted full external domination. They accomplished this not through technological superiority but through the deft use of diplomacy and negotiation. Only at the last resort, as at Wajbah against the Ottomans in 1892, would the Qataris use force to protect their position. The Qataris continually searched for rivals who would be partners." (p. 65)

"The fourth Article virtually hands over all of Qatar's foreign policy to the British government, even forbidding correspondence with 'any other power' without the consent of the 'High British Government'. Nor was Abdullah permitted to 'cede to any other Power or its subjects, land either on lease, sale, transfer, gift, or in any other way whatsoever'. A prohibition on selling land to non-Qataris, originally part of a British strategy to control Qatar's foreign commitments, continues to this day, with the exception of..." (p. 71) 

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Jan
31

Human Rights in Africa

Bonny Ibhawoh's (2018) "Human Rights in Africa" is a long overdue contribution to the human rights discourse. This is not only a critical assessment of the dominant narrative about the origins of human rights as known today, but also a call for revival of knowing histories that are not well known, prioritized or taught. The book outlines the "complicated story of progression and regression, inclusion and exclusion" (p. 119) of human rights across the continent and over time. The book is accessible, which makes it recommended reading across audiences.

Relative or universal rights? "The case for an African concept of human rights is essentially an argument for cultural relativism as a counter to the universalist claims of the modern human rights movement. The premise of this position is that culture shapes the articulation and fulfilment of human rights because of its formative influence on human thought and behavior. Human rights principles are therefore culturally relative to different contexts, and culture informs unique conceptions of human rights when grounded in African moral principles and cultural experiences… On the other hand, some proponents of African values in human rights interpretation premise their claim on an affirmation rather than a repudiation of the universalism of human rights. They contend that the core principles that underpin modern human rights are neither exclusive to Western liberal traditions nor alien to African cultural traditions. These are eternal and universal norms. There is nothing essentially Western or bourgeois about the fundamental rights to life, the right to personal and collective dignity or the right to a fair trial. These human rights principles have normative parallels in indigenous African moral principles and political and social practices." (p. 37-38)

On vernacularization: "the African values argument and the cultural legitimacy argument converge in what may be expressed as the vernacularization of universal human rights. The notion of vernacularizing human rights describes the process by which universal human rights norms are grounded in local communities. It requires seeing human rights in specific situation rather than as the application of abstract principles. Vernacularizing human rights is therefore a constructive process that grounds and expands the scope of human rights in different cultural contexts. It is a process whereby global impulses intersect with indigenous ideas to produce new human rights norms and practices that are relevant to local situations. The process of vernacularization connotes critical local engagement with international human rights norms with the goal of investing them with local meaning that can potentially strengthen recognition and enforcement." (p. 52)

Vernacularization (cont.): "The notion of vernacularizing human rights has been used to describe the process by which universal human rights norms become grounded in local communities. It is a constructive process that affirms and delineates the scope of human rights in different cultural contexts. Vernacularizing human rights requires seeing human rights in specific situations rather than as the application of abstract principles. In this sense, vernacularization refers to the interaction between established international human rights principles and local norms to produce hybridized legal and normative frameworks for human rights protection. This should not be confused with the cultural relativist repudiation of universal human rights, which I discuss in the introductory chapter of this book. Rather, vernacularization is a deliberate process of investing universal human rights with local meanings that can potentially strengthen human rights protection and contribute to the normative application of global human rights." (p. 225-226)

Criticism all around: "The same [criticisms of Enlightenment liberalism] can be said of indigenous African notions of human rights. The scope of individual and collective rights was often limited to community members and restricted by ethnicity, caste, gender, power and status. Prioritizing communal solidarity over individual liberties often implied the exclusion of those considered outsiders, minorities and non-conforming members of the community. The emphasis on communal well-being and the contingent relationship between individual rights and duties also meant that rights were ultimately not conferred based on the intrinsic value of each human being but, rather, based on community membership, and social status and obligations." (p. 47)

Questioning rationales: "Antislavery provided an important legitimizing rationale for colonialism and become part of the "inter-imperial repertoire of idiom and imaginaries of colonial rule." Eradicating the slave trade and granting freedom to those enslaved was a declared mission of many early European adventurers, missionaries and colonialists. Atlantic slavery and the movement to abolish it marked the beginning of Europe's conquest and colonization of Africa, provoking what became known as the scramble for Africa and one of the most pernicious land grabs in human history. Here we confront another paradox of rights discourse within antislavery. Nineteenth-century missionary and humanitarian activism that rallied public support against slavery also provided moral justification for colonization, which ultimately denied millions of Africans their right to self-determination." (p. 83-84)

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Oct
27

The Historical Ecology of Malaria in Ethiopia

James C. McCann has produced some excellent works of history, and specifically on Ethiopia. This includes From Poverty to Famine (1987) and People of the Plow (1990), as well as The Historical Ecology of Malaria in Ethiopia (2014). The most recent of these books brings readers into a complex story of malaria over the centuries and decades. The book also brings together McCann's work over these decades in helping to put together some of the puzzle pieces in the bigger malaria story.  

Why a history of malaria and ecology, and not a contemporary public health perspective? McCann starts with that question: "Medical science is a necessary but not sufficient lens from which to understand the disease. The Historical Ecology of Malaria in Ethiopia aims to display the human ecology of the disease with an appreciation of the science of landscape change and the dynamics of a vector-borne infectious disease that has been an enduring element of human history" (p. 2). These short posts are not full reviews, but highlights that I find particularly interesting. For example:

On local knowledge: "Richard Burton, intrepid traveler in the 1850s, reported that Somalis in the southeast of the Horn of Africa actually believed that mosquitoes were the cause of the "fever." He dismissed that local belief as absurd." (p. 14). In this opening chapter, McCann walks us through the theories of the cause of malaria; apparently local Somali knowledge ought to have been taken more seriously, as it was decades later that mosquitoes were identified as the vector. 

On politics and power: "The MES also had a GR (geographic reconnaissance) scheme that offered the broad brushstrokes of a national map divided into zones, which they set in priority as A, B, C, and D (see fig 4.5), a template for planning their pre-eradication strategy. In effect, this map was a set of plans for malaria eradication, but is was also a map of plans for a modern political ecology and economic potential for the modern nation. The MES and its allies chose to concentrate its resources on Area A, an area of the highlands and part of its periphery that was, in effect, historical Abyssinia (i.e. the Christian highlands and areas they dominated in the Haile Sellassie era). But is also included strategic areas for economic development in the Awash Valley (cotton, sugar, citrus); northwest borderlands (sorghum and sesame oil and seeds); and the Rift Valley (red pepper, sugar, haricot beans, soybeans, commercial fruits) that made up much of Ethiopia's potential global agricultural exports." (p. 80-82).

On ecology and agricultural transformation: "Maize does not cause malaria, but it can and does intensify its spatial distribution and the periodic intensity of epidemic human suffering. That study of malarial landscapes at the local level also revealed an astonishing complexity of ecological elements. The historical record demonstrates that periods of malaria quiescence and epidemic outbreaks are persistent patterns, if not predictable, and are affected by rapid agroecological change. New elements of ecological change at work in Ethiopia's dynamic human and economic setting can and will affect malaria's future." (p. 136)

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