Aug
06

Nonviolent Social Movements

Connected to a grant (and this book) I collected literature on forms of citizen and civil society action. Amongst the books that sat on the shelf for some years was "Nonviolent Social Movements: A Geographical Perspective", edited by Zunes, Kurtz and Asher. Published in 1999, this edited collection of geographical overviews if largely historical at this stage, some 25 years later. Nonetheless, a few quotes:

"Theorist gene sharp identifies three basic tactical categories of nonviolent action. The first is nonviolent protest and persuasion. These actions we name what we think is wrong, point our fingers added and try to help others understand. This category would include such tactics as petitioning, picketing, demonstrating, and lobbying. The second category is nonviolent noncooperation. With these actions we deliberately fold our hands and turn our backs, refusing to participate in the wrong we have named. This category would include such tactics as boycotts, strikes, and tax resistance. The third category is nonviolent intervention. With these actions we face the wrong we have named, the wrong we have refused to aid, and we step into the way, interfere, block. This category would include such tactics as physical obstruction, blockades, civil disobedience, and sit-ns." (p. 21)

"I am not particularly more interested in women's nonviolent actions than men's, but I am dismayed that so many wonderful stories have systematically been denied us and deemed less vital, less important than other stories simply because they are about actions taken by people who are not male. The denial and suppression of these stories is no accident given that we live on a planet which is overwhelmingly patriarchal. And if mere oversight accounts for their exclusion from history of, it is an oversight which both reflects and reinforces patriarchal ideology." (p. 24)

"A nonviolent opposition refuses to engage the state on their terms, i.e., with military confrontation in which the state has all the advantages. By doing so insurgents can choose their own "weapons systems," nonviolent struggle that utilizes the opposition's advantage by means of popular support and the ability to mobilize large numbers of people to a greater degree than in guerrilla warfare. It is easier to mobilize people to demonstrate nonviolently than to ask them to pick up a gun or a hand grenade. This mobilizing capacity results in a "disequilibrium within the dynamics of the conflict" that works to the advantage of the unarmed group" (p. 308) 

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Mar
19

Resisting Rural Dispossession

Dip Kapoor brought together a collective of works that highlight many stories that have not been widely told, stories of localized resistance to large-scale land acquisitions and land grabs. These processes have occasionally included these actors, but often presented them as victims without agency, not actors expressing their agency. In this regard, "Against Colonization and Rural Dispossession: Local Resistance in South and East Asia, the Pacific and Africa" (2017) is a good addition. The book in an edited volume, I share three quotes that stood out:

Narrative: "These struggles are misrepresented by accounts of colonial historiographers and writers who depict our story as one of 'loss'. In their story, we have 'lost' our land and cultural knowledge. These are colonially blurred, minimizing, if not euphemizing, versions of the history of my people. In our experience, these things have not been lost, but 'taken'. These extensive and intensive experiences of a collective people so heavily and systematically dispossessed require a deeper understanding than the nouns 'loss' or 'dispossession' can only begin to offer." (p. 29)

Inequality: "While Adivasis constitute 22 percent of the population in Odisha, they account for 42 percent of the development-displaced persons (DDPs), and at the national level, of the 21.3 million people estimated to be DDPs between 1951 and 1990 due to mines, dams, industry, and parks, they account for 40 percent" (p. 71)

Gender: "The women then stood in a line as a fence of shins (pagar betis) to stop the truck. Some even climbed the truck to unload the confiscated coconuts, while others seized and hid the truck's keys. They took the police as hostages and demanded the release of their fellow villagers. Some women involved in holding the police hostage admitted that the spontaneous action was to avoid bloody fights if they let their husbands physically attack the police – so they ask their men to stay behind while they took the lead. They even provoked, if not cautioned, the police by accusing them of trying to sexually harass them. The experience of taking the police as hostages emboldened them to confront the constant threats and intimidation from police and company laborers / hired thugs, especially when their husbands were imprisoned and they were vulnerable." (p. 111)

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Mar
23

New Publications (2018, Jan-Mar)

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Oct
22

Post-doc: Power, Poverty & Politics

The International Institute of Social Studies of the Erasmus University Rotterdam the Netherlands is seeking to fill three full-time (100%) vacancies for the position of Post-Doctoral Researcher for a two year period from 1 January 2017 to 31 December 2018. We welcome applications from prospective postdoc researchers who are interested in doing operational research on gender, governance and development in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. 

The researchers will be part of the research project 'Power, Poverty and Politics (PPP) in DRC', a subproject of the Secure Livelihoods Research Consortium led by the Overseas Development Institute (ODI) in London. The project is financed by UK Aid for the UK Government. It comprises a network of partners and research under the project is set up as close collaborations between international and Congolese universities and research institutes. 

This two-year research program (1 January 2017- 31 December 2018) aims to deepen existing research on governance, service delivery and economic growth in the Democratic Republic of the Congo to examine the details of policy implementation from national to local levels, to generate lessons from what works in promoting positive change and how to measure change. The PPP will do this by tackling a range of sector specific topics that link closely to Department for International Development (DfID) programs and policies and are thus chosen for their potential to contribute practical operational knowledge.

  1. Women, power and society. This project concerns the question of how the changing roles of women in DRC affect their power relations, with a particular focus on social accountability and decision making. It will be based on case studies of development programmes that incorporate social accountability mechanisms (including community scorecards and local community committees), and seek to assess the broader impact of these programmes on gender relations. 
  2. Everyday politics and practices of family planning in DRC. Promoting and protecting women's reproductive rights and health is key to women's empowerment and gender equality. This proposal concerns current policies and practices of family planning; debates on policy and perceptions of people regarding family planning and the role of societal stakeholders. It takes a 360 degrees, mixed methods look at family planning services. 
  3. Mining reforms and the changing roles of women in mining communities. The artisanal mining sector constitutes a vital source of income for many poor women and men - a substantial part of the population in DRC. In the course of the past decade,several attempts have been made to promote good governance in the mining sector. This study will focus on the gendered implications of ongoing reforms for the women and communities involved in artisanal mining in (Eastern) DRC.

More details.

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